Befehl an die Truppenführer im Aufstandsgebiet, September 11, 1905, BArch, R 1001.724, p. 119. A successful ambush of a German column crossing the Rufiji River by the Bena kept the rebellion alive in the southwest, but the Germans were not denied for long. Germany signed the Red Cross Convention on July 6, 1906 and ratified it on May 27, 1907. German anthropologists recorded that he gave his followers war medicine that would turn German bullets into water. Martin Reuss, “The Disgrace and Fall of Carl Peters: Morality, Politics, and Staatsräson in the Time of Wilhelm II,” Central European History 14, no. Welche Gegenerzählungen zur westlichen Kolonialgeschichte gibt es, die im Kampf um "historische Wahrheiten"…, Bismarcks Außenpolitik konzentrierte sich auf die Erhaltung des europäischen Friedens. 1 (2004): 1–22; see also the different interpretations in Juhani Koponen, “A Second Special Issue on the Maji Maji War,” Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research & Writing 7, no. Both countries belonged to German East Africa and were administered from Daressalam, but the Maji-Maji uprising did not take place in those territories. Im tansanischen Kilwa Kivinje steht eine Statue des Bauern und Maji-Maji-Heilers Kinjikitile Ngwale. Dazu gehörten sexuelle Enthaltsamkeit, das Verbot von Hexerei und Plünderung oder Tabus für eine Reihe von Speisen. Culwick, A study of population in Ulanga, Tanganyika Territorium, in: Sociological Review, 30 (1938), S. 375. The episode has become known as the Mfecane and was subject to several controversies in South African historiography. [25], Die Vorbereitungen auf einen Krieg gegen die Kolonialmacht blieben auch den Deutschen im südlichen Küstengebiet nicht völlig verborgen. They made effective use of their firepower to break up rebel attacks. Anfang der 1960er Jahre wurden Tanganyika (1961, heute Tansania), Ruanda (1962) und Burundi (1962) unabhängige Staaten. [8], German forces deliberately inflicted the Great Hunger as part of their genocidal suppression of the rebels. Hier tauschten Krieger untereinander Neuigkeiten aus und auch die maji-Medizin wurde hier ausgegeben.[27]. The Maji Maji Rebellion ( German: Maji-Maji-Aufstand, Swahili: Vita vya Maji Maji ), was an armed rebellion of Islamic and animist Africans against German colonial rule in German East Africa (modern-day Tanzania ).
Der Maji-Maji-Aufstand by Benedikt Stock - Prezi 2 (2013): 143–55. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs licence (, Checkmate: Chess Artifacts and Artworks Made and Played in Extremis, Joseph Wulf and the Path Not Taken: The Turn from Writing Jewish History in Yiddish to Writing Nazi History in German, About the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, The Quashing of the Maji-Maji Uprising in the Light of International Law, Quashing the Maji-Maji Uprising under International Criminal Law, https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/kolonialismus-in-tansania-aus-der-nummer-kommt-deutschland-nicht-heraus-a-1137502.html, https://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/tansania-will-keine-entschaedigung-von-deutschland-15573196.html, https://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/international-tansania-will-keine-entschaedigung-fuer-deutsche-kolonialzeit-dpa.urn-newsml-dpa-com-20090101-180503-99-162347, https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/195, https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/120?OpenDocument, https://www.icj-cij.org/public/files/case-related/143/143-20120203-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf, http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/, Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic, Copyright © 2023 United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. For example, the superintendent of the Berlin Mission, C. Schumann, wrote in an affidavit to the military outpost in Iringa (January 19, 1906): “The enemy refuses to hand himself in. Eine wichtige Rolle für die Mobilisierung der afrikanischen Bevölkerung spielte der religiöse Kult des Maji-Maji, der die Aufständischen ermutigte, sich über ethnische Grenzen hinweg zu verbünden und sich gegen die militärisch weit überlegene Kolonialmacht zu wenden. For decades, the moral and political condemnation of colonialism has met resistance from important pressure groups in the colonial centers. The revolt happened as a result of the German colonialists forcing the Africans in German East Africa to grow cotton for export. The Germans also “forcibly transferred” some groups to other parts of the country—punishable today as a war crime (if against belligerents) or crime against humanity (if against a civilian population).67. Whether one views it in qualitative or quantitative terms, the intention must be to destroy at least a substantial part of a protected group.60 Not even murder is necessary to obtain a legal ruling of genocide. ), Maji-Maji-Krieg, S. 12. IT-98-33, August 2, 2001 (Trial Judgement), April 19, 2004 (Appeals Judgement). Groups which had stayed away from the Maji-Maji were not targeted. Susanne Kuß, Deutsches Militär auf kolonialen Kriegsschauplätzen: Eskalation von Gewalt zu Beginn des 20. Ursachen für den Aufstand waren die repressiven Zustände im kolonialen System und die Ausschaltung der einheimischen Wirtschaft. Heiler, die mit Arzneien, Kräutern sowie durch ihre Verbindung zu Geistern therapieren konnten, waren ebenso verbreitet wie Propheten, die mit Göttern kommunizierten und deren Botschaften an die Lebenden weitergaben.
Nevertheless, the genocide label has figured strongly in convincing the German public of the moral claims of the Herero and Nama, and helped clear obstacles to the current negotiations. See, for example Redmond, “Maji Maji in Ungoni,” 407–24. The Bolasuka strategy proved effective. Cases following Akayesu on this point include ICTR, The Prosecutor v. Rutaganda, Case No. They abducted women and children in order to prevent them from aiding hostile warriors in the bush, killed prisoners of war, looted villages, destroyed crops, and tortured surrendering enemies to extort intelligence.33, Schutztruppen commander Theodor von Hirsch, the former station chief of Mpapua, wrote a diary in which he admitted that he felt “like a murderer, arsonist, and slave trader,” but did nothing to stop the atrocities, and even paid his warriors a lump sum for decapitated heads.34 He was not alone. Yet for the local peoples, the result was the same: the war led to the extinction of “a whole generation,” according to Seeberg, “whose members had learned to think in categories which exceeded the horizon of their own tribe.”66 Many groups lost their traditional rulers and their very existence fell into peril after the destruction of their villages, crops, and livestock. Some scholars, however, have done so, and have reviewed the appropriateness of the label in in the context of Germany’s colonial policy and the quashing of the insurrection in particular.3 Influenced by the public’s and the media’s growing eagerness to assess past colonial atrocities through the lens of the relatively modern concept of genocide, researchers of international law, genocide studies, and memory politics have submitted an ever increasing volume of historical evidence and narratives to test the definition and concept of genocide.4 Some also have problematized the tensions between the law and historiography.5 Genocide claims (legal and public) can distort the process of dealing with difficult histories6 by exacerbating academic and public debates about the past, thus limiting the realm of the historian and broadening the field of the judge.7 Very often, the concept of genocide, when applied to older real-world cases, is undefined, flexible, or tailored to explain why a certain event was genocidal. Jigal Beez, Karawanen und Kurzspeere. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Viele Aufständische, die den kolonialen Truppen in die Hände fielen, wurden ermordet oder zu jahrelanger Zwangsarbeit verurteilt. Tanja Bührer, Die Kaiserliche Schutztruppe für Deutsch-Ostafrika: Koloniale Sicherheitspolitik und transkulturelle Kriegführung 1885–1918 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2011), 229–32. Das Vertrauen in die Medizin verlor sich spätestens angesichts der vielen Toten, die vom Maschinengewehrfeuer der Deutschen niedergemetzelt worden waren. Search for other works by this author on: © The Author(s) 2021. The addition “as such” was put in the Rome Statute by the Assembly of State Parties of the International Criminal Court and emphasizes the protection that the concept of genocide extends to groups. On October 21, 1905 the Germans retaliated with an attack on the camp of the unsuspecting Ngoni people who had recently joined the rebellion. Die deutschen Truppen wiederum zerstörten Felder und Brunnen, brannten Siedlungen nieder und vernichteten Vorräte. [41] Möglicherweise boten auch die bestehenden Netzwerke islamischer Händler und Lehrer eine Infrastruktur der Kommunikation über die großen Entfernungen und ermöglichten es, Gruppen aus unterschiedlichen Regionen mit unterschiedlicher sprachlicher Herkunft in einer religiösen Botschaft zu vereinigen. None the less the crime of genocide by its very nature requires the intention to destroy at least a substantial part of a particular group.”. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 487–502. ICTR, The Prosecutor v. Jean-Paul Akayesu, Case No. Der Tag galt als ein Wendepunkt des Krieges: Die kolonialen Truppen wehrten den Angriff ab und fügten den Maji-Kämpfern schwere Verluste zu.
Statist Narratives and Maji Maji Ellipses - JSTOR Indeed, long before the Maji-Maji uprising, Germany had signed the Red Cross Convention of 1864,48 which obliged its armed forces to spare wounded enemy combatants.49 One could therefore argue that this constituted international “customary” law.50 But while legal continuity extends from the German Empire, whose troops conducted the war in Tanganyika, to today’s Federal Republic of Germany, no such continuity connects the ethnic groups that took part in the Maji-Maji uprising to the Republic of Tanzania today. Auf dem heutigen Gebiet der Staaten Interner Link: Tansania, Interner Link: Burundi und Interner Link: Ruanda wurde – zunächst durch eine private, vom deutschen Publizisten und Politiker Carl Peters geführte Expedition – die Kolonie Deutsch-Ostafrika ausgerufen, die später dem Kaiserreich unterstellt wurde. Das begünstigte eine oft völlig willkürliche Form der Herrschaft, da eine zentrale Kontrolle durch die Größe des Landes und die langen Kommunikationswege unmöglich war. The German attitude towards the uprisings was ambiguous, too: the government regarded it as an internal riot (not of an international character, to which the Hague conventions would apply), but sent in the (colonial) army to quash it. Darin zeigt sich, dass die Medizin ein starkes Motivationsmittel war, sich gegen die Übermacht der Deutschen zu stellen. Jahrhundert hinein vermutlich kaum besiedelt.
Mit Wasser gegen Gewehre - Politik - FAZ In the Kaiserreich and the Weimar Republic, the radical left often claimed that colonialism was a derivative of a capitalist and imperialist agenda. Maji, der Swahili-Begriff für „Wasser“, deutete auf die grundlegende Bedeutung des Wassers für die agrarischen Gesellschaften im Südosten der Kolonie. Im Gegensatz zu den Ngoni waren die anderen Völkergruppen der Region nicht zentralisiert, sondern in kleinen Gemeinschaften organisiert, die sich in der Regel um einen starken Chief gruppierten. Links Verlag, Berlin 2005. The end of the war was followed by a period of famine, known as the Great Hunger (ukame), caused in large part by the genocidal[9][10] scorched-earth policy advocated by Gustav Adolf von Götzen. The difference between civilians and combatants became blurred—Germans attacked both groups indiscriminately, and insurgents assaulted Askari, as well as missionaries and traders.32, At its height, roughly twenty different ethnic groups allied against the German troops, but many others used the insurgency to settle accounts with their neighbors or to side with the German Askari.
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